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Mathematics Magazine Geometry and Politics: Mathematics in the Thought of Thomas Hobbes
Geometry and Politics: Mathematics in the Thought of Thomas Hobbes
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Mathematics Magazine
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10.1080/0025570x.1990.11977506
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Mathematics Magazine ISSN: 0025570X (Print) 19300980 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/umma20 Geometry and Politics: Mathematics in the Thought of Thomas Hobbes Hardy Grant To cite this article: Hardy Grant (1990) Geometry and Politics: Mathematics in the Thought of Thomas Hobbes, Mathematics Magazine, 63:3, 147154, DOI: 10.1080/0025570X.1990.11977506 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/0025570X.1990.11977506 Published online: 13 Feb 2018. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 2 View related articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=umma20 ARTICLES Geometry and Politics: Mathematics in the Thought of Thomas Hobbes HARDY GRANT York University North York, Ontario, Canada M3J 1 P3 It is a commonplace of intellectual history that the 17th century's explosive development of mathematizcd science offered a seductive example in other spheres of thought. The successes of this "Scientific Revolution" seemed to rest on conceptual foundations and to usc methods whose adoption promised similar triumphs wherever tried. The physicists' isolation, in thought and experiment, of categories amenable to quantificationmass, n·locity, acceleration, forcehad allowed the derivation of rigorous "laws" (Galileo's account of free fall, Newton's of universal gravitation); why should not other areas of study achieve so much? The clarity of ideas, the certainty of inference, characteristic of mathematical thinking became beacons. The "geometrical" manner of presenting a subject, stemming from E udid' s Elements and adopted by Galileo and :\ewton alikethe stepbystep deduction of results from explicit definitions and axiomsgave a model to those who would organize and expound their own realms to best advantage (Spinoza' s Ethics is perhaps the most striking example). Few thinkers felt more deeply the lure of the new science and its mathematical mys; tique than the great British philosopher Thomas Hobbes, the author of lRviathan. Though his primary concernspolitics, morals, the lawmight seem far from physical science in subject and spirit, Hobbes came to believe that mathematical categories and methods might be brought to bear even here, and might bring understanding and agreement where confusion and discord notoriously prevailed. Like all of us he was shaped as much by his personal history as by the spirit of his age. The son of a disreputable clergyman, he made his way up the social scale by attaching himself, aged nineteen (1608), to a noble family as tutor, only to find his employer in shaky financial straits; his ensuing sense of insecurity may have been an impulse toward the certainties of mathematics and science 1• ~oreover his career had for background a painful and protracted time of social strife: the Puritan Rebellion, the "Long Parliament" (164053), civil war, the beheading of a king (Charles I, 1649), the ascendancy of Cromwell, the eventual restoration of the monarchy (1660). The royalist philosopher found it prudent to spend eleven of these turbulent years (164051) in exile in Paris.* In his eyes the conflicts tearing his homeland seemed to typify the worst of social ills, and to give practical urgency to a rational reconstruction of political life. \1canwhile his European travels brought personal encounters with some of the makers of the Scientific Revolution. In Florence he sought out Galileo, then (1636) an old man; what passed between them is not known, but Hobbes *"Th•• first.'' he dt>dared. "of all that fled" 2 ratll<'r lik<• the Duke of PlazaToro in The Gondoliers. 147 148 MATHEMATICS MAGAZINE revered the pioneering Italian as "the first that opened to us the gate of natural philosophy universal" namely, the scientific understanding of motion 3 . In Paris he was made welcome in the circle of the Abbe Marin Mersenne, who acted as a sort of human post office for many of the leading wits of that exhilarating age. Through this valuable intermediary Hobbes bandied ideas at long range with Descartes, until the two great thinkers at last met face to face (1648). Hobbes (if we may believe John Aubrey's delectable "brief life" of him) said of Descartes that "had he kept himself to Geometry he had been the best Geometer in the world but that his head did not lye for Philosophy" 4 though we shall see that he actually had no use for Descartes' mathematics either. His own early training was in the humanitiesthe classics, history, philosophy; he came to mathematics relatively late in life, but memorably. Will Aubrey's muchquoted tale bear recycling one more time? He was 40 yeares old before he looked on Geometry; which happened accidentally. Being in a Gentleman's Library, Euclid's Elements lay open, and 'twas the 47 El. libri I [i.e., Book I, Prop. 47the "Pythagorean" theorem]. He read the Proposition. By G, sayd he (he would now and then sweare an emphaticall Oath by way of emphasis) this is impossible! So he reads the Demonstration of it, which referred him back to such a Proposition; which proposition he read. That referred him back to another, which he also read. Et sic deinceps [and so on) that at last he was demonstratively convinced of that trueth. This made him in love with Geometry. Subsequently he indulged his new passion for the Queen of the Sciences by making diagrams and calculations on his thighs or on his bedsheets.s So spurred, he went on to write many pages on mathematics, but usually his enthusiasm outran his insight. Much of the mathematical progress going on around him passed him by. A century after the work on cubic equations that forced even "imaginaries" into the realm of number, Hobbes restricted the latter concept to positive integers, and sharply contrasted its discrete character with the many continuous magnitudes of geometry and physics 6 ; so lingering was a dichotomy that had fatefully colored the mathematics of classic Greece. Hobbes looked balefully on the introduction, by Vit~te, Descartes and others, of algebraic symbolism; he conceded that these new marks seemed vital as "scaffolds of demonstration," but "they ought no more to appear in public, than the most deformed necessary business which you do in your chambers." 7 Most notoriously, he claimed with complete confidence the duplication of the cube, "hitherto sought in vain", and the squaring of the circle; we may judge his grasp of this latter problem by his declaration that an "ordinary" man might accomplish it better than any geometer, by simply "winding a small thread about a given cylinder" 11• Not an inspiring picture; but might one at least conjecture, on the ledger's other side, that Hobbes' preoccupation with mathematics helped shape the superb clarity and vigor of his prose? In any case he needed no great technical competence to declare the importance of mathematics and mathematized science as models in other realms. He was convinced that there can be no true knowledge anywhere without proper method, and that here the geometers and physicists held the key. Increasingly he felt the inadequacy, even in social and political inquiry, of other purported paths to truth. He abandoned an early belief that universal verities about men and states can be reached by induction from a study of history; indeed, he urged, in no inquiry will the mere amassing of observations, however regular and consistent, yield generallaws"experience con VOL. 63, NO.3, JUNE 1990 149 cludeth nothing universally."!J Hobbes also denied (what Romanticism would later assert) that wisdom can come from a "sudden acuteness," from a leap of intuitive insight; and he poured scorn on thinkers who claimed divine inspiration for their profundities, who "take their own Dreams, and extravagant Fancies, and Madnesse, for testimonies of Gods Spirit" 10 . No, only the mathematicians' method, only strict deduction from sure premises, would serve. But this approach, so successful in geometry and physics, had never (Hobbes urged) been applied outside those fields. Geometry is "the onely Science that it hath pleased God hitherto to bestow on mankind" 11 • Thus he did not blush to claim his own application of its method as historic. He saw in his work a parallel to the scientific breakthroughs that loomed so dramatically in his time. Astronomy, he declared, had matured only with Copernicus, biology with William Harvey (the discoverer of the circulation of the blood), physics with Galileo, political science withhimself. 12 But how does the path to true knowledge work in practice? Hobbes insisted on the vital preliminary role of the precise definition of terms. All fruitful reasoning, he urged, so beginsY Proper definitions evoke "perfect and clear ideas of. .. things" (this of course echoes Descartes); they allow a precision of discourse that banishes the verbal ambiguity and muddle, the "snare of words," for which Hobbes felt a lifelong contempt and horror. 14 When definitions have been made rigorous, inference (said Hobbes) may proceed in a manner similar to addition in arithmetic. The "sum", so to say, of terms may be another term ("body" plus "animate" plus "rational" equals "man"); or the "sum" of two terms may be an affirmation ("man is a living creature"), and then the "sum" ofthe logical inference fromtwo such affirmations is a third ("every man is a living creature" plus "every living creature is a body" equals "every man is a body"), and the "sum" of many such inferences is a demonstration. I.? Thus Hobbes' theory of demonstration is essentially the theory of the syllogism, codified by Aristotle long before; butperhaps because he despised Aristotle, on other grounds he advised beginners to study the method not in the treatises of logicians but in its actual use by mathematicians, just as "little children learn to go, not by precepts, but by exercising their feet." 16 Now any conclusion reached by this process may seem merely conditionala mere statement that C holds if A and B are true. Indeed Hobbes himself so asserted. Scientific knowledge, he said, has just this conditional, this "if ... then" character, in contrast to the "absolute" knowledge that our senses provide. And yetcruciallythe conclusions of scientific reasoning are (Hobbes repeatedly insisted) "eternal" and "immutable" truths. 17 For just as the axioms of Euclid's Elements were, to the Greeks, not mere assumptions but selfevident statements of physical fact, so for Hobbes all reasoning is anchored ultimately in the sure testimony of the senses. Right reasoning is, precisely, that which proceeds "from principles that are found indubitable by experience." Such principles are (or can be made) selfevident and can win the agreement of any man "that will but examine his own mind." 1H If only, he urged, elemental concepts and principles were made sufficiently clear, all men would see them alike; and this is true because in fact these fundamentals are already present, however obscurely, in all men's (essentially similar) minds. Like Socrateswhose famous illustration of the technique was, significantly, geometricalHobbes claimed only to evoke in his hearers what they already knew. 1!J Hence the possibility of a rational foundation for political science. But if all must spring from precise definitions and sure axioms, from the unambiguous understanding and use of basic concepts, how were these vital starting points to be attained? Here Hobbes placed himself in the mainstream of a methodological tradition that had figured crucially in Western thought since ancient times. It had two aspectsone a 150 MATHEMATICS MAGAZINE cardinal technique of Greek mathematicians, the other a similar strategy in philosophy and science. In the mathematical development that culminated in Euclid, the method of "analysis" assumed the truth of a conjectured theorem, or the achievement of a desired construction, and tried to argue "backward" from this starting point to (respectively) a theorem already proved or a construction already effected, perhaps ultimately to definitions and axioms. Sometimes, of course, the chain of inference ended in a contradiction, which exposed the original assumption as untenable. But when, more commonly, the argument reached some foundation already established or assumed, then a reversal of its steps, called "synthesis", supplied for the desired theorem or construction a rigorous proof. Analysis was thus a tool for discot:ering proofs of things already suspected (or at any rate hoped for). The "synthetic" half of the double procedure came to serve as the classic limn for expounding a unified system of mathematics from first principles, the most familiar example being of course the Elements. The definitive discussion of the whole technictue was given by Pappus in the fourth century A.n. 20 \1eanwhile a philosophical methodology with strong ties to the mathematicians' analysis and synthesis had been articulated by one of the giants of Greek thought. Plausibly, though not certainly, taking his cue from the geometers, Aristotle saw an analogous double procedure as the path to all truly scientific knowledge. Such knowledge, he declared, is of causes: we attain it only when we give rigorous demonstrations of the necessary connections between natural occurrences and the hidden principles that engender them. Our immediate experience is of a bewildering mass of sense impressions; these we must dissect and analyze in thought, seeking to reduce complex phenomena to their simple constituents, to sec the universal and essential in the particular and accidental, finally to identify the elementary factors which produce and explain our observations. This movement of thought corresponded, for Aristotle and for the tradition that he here founded, to the passage in geometrical analysis from the uncertainly conjectured to the definitely known. And similarly the geometers' synthetic proof, which reversed the steps of analysis and deduced theorems from axioms, was paralleled in Aristotelian science by rigorous (syllogistic) demonstrations of necessary causal connections between simple theoretical principles and the complex effects that we experience. 21 The inHuence of these ideas was enormous. Analysis and synthesis in this Aristotelian sensein Latin translation as resolutio and compositio, respectivelyentered a hundred medieval and Renaissance tracts on philosophical and scientific method. The legacy was especially strong at the University of Padua, 22 and here Harvey studied and Galileo taught, both of them seminal inHuenees on Hobbes. Galiko, and after him Newton, would make history by abandoning the Aristotelian search for causes; for them analysis aimed rather at establishing experimentally, and expressing mathematically, fundamental relations among the variables involved in a physical phenomenon, and casting these as axioms for further deductionGalileo's sa t 2 for free fall plays just this role in his thought. But otherwise these leaders of the Scientific Revolution preserved much of the logic, and the psychological basis, of the durable Aristotelian schemc. 2'1 For his part Hobbes laid it down that all proper philosophy must use "resolution" or "composition" or a mixture of the two. 2 ~ He applied the method himself at several different levels of inquiry. The search for clear definitions became an "analysis" of familiar, specific tem1s <e.g., "gold") into constituent concepts of greater universality, like "heavy," "visible," "solid," which might be further dissected in their tum. The process was conceived as a passage from things known to our senses to things apprehended by reason, from things "more known to us" to things "more known to nature" distinctions voiced already by Aristotle and repeated constantly in the VOL. 63, NO.3, JUNE 1990 151 ensuing centuries. 25 In physics, according to Hobbes, "analysis" lays bare the respective contributions of individual factors, while "synthesis" explains how these join in the total effect. He offered, as an example, an account of our perception of light. Here (he said) we may isolate, as constituent elements, the motions of particles in some luminous object, the transmission of those motions through an intervening medium, finally the reception of the motions by the "fitting disposition" of our bodily organs; these, taken together, are then seen to foml a necessarY and sufficient . explanation. 26 But Hobbes' most ambitious application of this ancient twofold path to knowledge amounted essentially to the program of his whole life's work. For resolution and composition, he declared, were the keys to his ultimate goal, the elucidation of fundamental principles of political organization and justice. The affairs of men in society he would reduce, by "analysis", to the passions of individual peopleand these in tum to the motions of those individuals' physical particles. 27 In the first half of this program he again took a clue from the mathematicians and physicists. For just as Euclid's points and lines are abstractions, which physical incarnation on paper or blackboard cannot really represent, and as Galileo idealized the motions of objects by neglecting factors like friction and air resistance, so Hobbes sought to analyze human behaviour in a hypothetical early collection of unorganized individuals. (The famous description of primitive life as "solitary, poore, nasty, brutish and short" 2 H refers to this imagined scenario, not to history as actually recorded.) The second half of his grand design, the reduction of human mental states to the motions of material particles, may seem drastic (or even preposterous, according to taste); but in fact it reflects one of Hobbes' deepest convictions, that in such motions is the ultimate explanation of all things. And here again our philosopher merely shared a leading preoccupation of his age. The ancient doctrine of atomism, that pictured matter as composed of invisible, indivisible particles moving in a void, had been revived and modernized by various Renaissance thinkers (notably Pierre Gassendi, 15921655). Mathematically treatable as point masses, these corpuscles offered a fruitful conceptual foundation for the Scientific Revolutionand to some extremists a sufficient basis for all philosophy. To Hobbes their motion served to account for all desire, will, love and hatred, all psychological and spiritual phenomena of whatever sort; he shocked his readers by refusing to conceive even God as wholly immaterial. 2fJ Rigorous mathematical elaboration of the corpuscular philosophy awaited Newton's Principia (1687); it was of course far beyond Hobbes' powers. Yet he had no doubt how, in theory, the description of those moving atoms should proceed: by application of geometry. "Nature worketh by \1otion; the Wayes, and Degrees whereof cannot be known, without the knowledge of the Proportions and Properties of Lines, and Figures." 30 Through such knowledge, then, we understand the motions of material particles, which cause and explain individuals' thoughts and actions, and these in tum are the source of political attitudes and institutions. Soto summarizegeometry is central to the great philosopher's thought in two quite distinct ways: as methodological guide and example, and as the most basic of all branches of knowledge, from which "synthesis" might deduce, step by step, the immutable laws of social justice. Now it is well known that Euclid's geometry, so important as a model for Hobbes, is wholly synthetica steady deductive passage from simple to complex, from supposedly evident definitions and postulates to deep theorems and difficult constructions. Of the preliminary "analysis," the possibly laborious elucidation of the basic concepts, the discoveries of the proofs and the constructions, no hint remains; the dust of the workshop has been cleared away. And so with Hobbes. He too proposed to expound his ideas only in the "synthetical" order of their demonstration from 152 MATHEMATICS MAGAZINE "primary" propositions "manifest of themselves," omitting the earlier discovery of those propositions from "the sense of things". He set out a program of sweeping grandeur, that would pass from "universal definitions" to a geometrical account of simple motion, then to the "internal passions" of men, finally to "civil philosophy; which takes up the last place".:31 He planned treatises expounding each of these levels in tum, the higher to depend and build on the lower as the later books of Euclid on the earlierY Such, at least, was the theory and the intent. But external events deflected the tidy execution of the scheme. The factional conflicts around him provoked Hobbes to a political statement (De cice, 1642) that preceded any exposition of its supposed underpinnings in physics; "what was last in order", he admitted, "is yet come forth first in time". 3:3 But in fact, he now conceded, political science can stand alone, "its own principles sufficiently known by experience." Those who "have not learned the first part of philosophy, namely, geometry and physics, may, notwithstanding, attain the principles of civil philosophy, by the analytical method"and he went on to give an example of an axiom thus reachable, that the appetites and passions of men, if unchecked, make constant war inevitable.:3 ~ Moreover this suddenly granted independence of political theory from physics took elsewhere another, and more surprising, twist. Hobbes claimed that civil philosophy may attain the kind of certainty that mathematics enjoyswhereas physics may not. For, he explained, true knowledge is of the causes of things, and in studying nature we can say only that our conjectured causes maynever that they mustproduce the effects that we observe; but in geometry we understand fully the cause, the "generation," of (say) a circle, because we draw it by a known procedure, and likewise we can grasp the laws and principles of civil society precisely because it is we who frame them. 3s Thus it seems that for Hobbes mathematics and political science are in principle equally accessible to the understanding; he seems never to consider that the complexities and perversities of human beings may make them less scrutable than points and lines. If (as he repeatedly insisted 36 ), advances toward a rational politics had in his time lagged scandalously behind the spectacular progress of geometry, the cause was not intellectual but moral. The study of men and states is clouded by passions which geometry does not arouse: The doctrine of Right and Wrong, is perpetually disputed, both by the Pen and the Sword: Whereas the doctrine of Lines, and Figures, is not so; because men care not, in that subject what be truth, as a thing that crosses no mans ambition, profit, or lust. For I doubt not, but if it had been a thing contrary to any mans right of dominion, or to the interest of men that have dominion, That the three Angles of a Triangle should be equall to two Angles of a Square; that doctrine should have been, if not disputed, yet by the burning of all books of Geometry, suppressed, as farre as he whom it concerned was able. :3i From this perspective one goal of a politics based on right reason was the finding of first principles so secure, and hence so worthy of trust, that no such selfinterest would seek to "displace" them. 38 We need not follow his philosophy into the elaborations that make his greatest book a leviathan in volume as in name. Sometimes from his materialistic psychology, more often from observation of the world around him, he drew the "axioms" on which all would be made to rest: that all men are moved by "appetites and aversions", that all seek power continually, that every man's power resists and hinders others' .... From these in tum came his specific proposals for civil orderfor example a passionate preference for monarchy to democracy, a strict limiting of property rights, an VOL. 63, NO. 3, JUNE 1990 153 unequivocal subordination of church to state. Many of his conclusions met bitter hostility in his time, and can still raise eyebrows in ourslike his call for a sovereign authority of (many would say) disturbingly absolute powers.* But his method, as opposed to his particular doctrines, won some contemporary praise. He recorded with pardonable pride that a short summary of his De cive, published in France, bore the title Ethics Demonstrated; the translator, a certain Fran<;ois Bonneau, assured Louis XIV that the only two "demonstrative sciences" were this work of Hobbes and Euclid's Elements. 40 More strikingly, most of Hobbes' fiercest opponents adopted his rational methods even as they assailed his ideasY Partly (not, of course, wholly) from Hobbes' example, the goals of deductive argument and logical exactness spread to every comer of Europe's mental life, so bringing the "Age of Reason" to birth. Viewed in the way that most concerns us here, as an imitation of mathematical and scientific forerunners, Hobbes' system has weaknesses that leap readily enough to the eye. For example his exclusive emphasis on syllogistic arguments was misguided, as a wider knowledge of his models could have told him; already in antiquity the Stoic logicians had seen that these Aristotelian patterns do not fully mirror mathematical reasoning, and Galileo felt deeply their inadequacy for the new experimental science. But the problems with Hobbes' edifice begin at the very foundations, with the postulates on which all rests. Like Euclid he has been detected using undeclared assumptions. 42 More importantly, the axioms which do appear explicitly are, as we have seen, just the kind of inductive generalizations from experience that the great philosopher had expressly sought to discredit. Inevitably they betray the historical context, and the personal observations, of the man who framed them, so that Hobbes, like some other theorists (Freud is the classic case in psychology), can be suspected of mistaking limited local perceptions for global truths; indeed some of his postulates, seen from larger perspectives, are demonstrably falseY In short his assumptions are not remotely so selfevident as he fondly supposed, and his trust in their universal acceptance seems a gross delusion. Some experience of the cut and thrust and compromise of practical politics might have tempered his sureness; so argued his contemporary the Earl of Clarendon, sometime Chancellor to Charles II, who suggested urbanely that a stint in Parliament or the courts probably would have shown Hobbes that "his solitary cogitations, how deep soever, and his too peremptory adhering to some Philosophical Notions, and even Rules of Geometry, have misled him in the investigation of Policy." 44 Altogether, it is temptingly easy to dismiss Hobbes' whole endeavour as hopelessly naive, this dream that reasonable men could be brought to see human affairs with the clarity and consensus of geometers poring over a proof. But it is fairer, and in historical terms more correct, to see his system as an early expression of the Enlightenment belief that the extension of scientific methods and ideals to social problems would foster understanding, tolerance and harmony at the expense of error, prejudice and strife. In the days of Leviathan, when the Scientific Revolution itself was still so new, no one could yet say how valid that belief might prove. Mathematicians should honor Thomas Hobbes, who came late in life to their subject, and understood it poorly, but loved it much, and staked on the supposed sureness of its methods his hopes for the peace and good government of mankind. *"A geometer's panacea for peace," says a (sympathetic} biographer. 39 154 MATHEMATICS MAGAZINE Notes References to Hobbes' writings give volume and page numbers of The English Works of Thomas Hobbes, ed. W. Molesworth. For convenience I give also, where appropriate, page numbers of the widely available Penguin edition of Leviathan, ed. C. B. Macpherson (abbreviated as "Lev"). l. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. Cf. :\facpherson, op. cit., p. 15; Richard Peters, Hobbes (Penguin, 1956), pp. 26, 28, 47. Quoted in Peters, p. 27. I, viii. John Aubrey, Brief lives, ed. 0. L. Dick (Ann Arbor, 1962), p. 158. Ibid .. p. 150; italics in original. I, 26, 96, 141. VII, 248; cf. VII, 316. VII, 3; I, 288. A good account of Hobbes' ventures into technical mathematics can be found in J. F. Scott, The Mathematical Work of john Wallis (London, 1938). IV, 18. II, iii; III, 379 = Lev. p. 426. III, 234 = Lev. p. 105. I, viiiix. III, 380 = Lev. p. 428. I, 81; I, viii; III, 36 = Lev. p. 116; IV, 23, etc. I, 44ff; cf. III, 2930 = Lev. p. 110. I, 545. III, 52= Lev. p. 131; III, 71 =Lev. pp. 1478; II, 446; VI, 122; III, 664 =Lev. p. 682. IV, 24; I, 84; I, 74. II, xiv, 295; IV, 212; I, 304; IV, 12, 27; cf. Plato, Meno 8lff. The best account of this method and its history is J. Hintikka and U. Remes, The method of Analysis: Its Geometrical Origin and its General Significance (D. Reidel, 1974); see pp. 810 for the passage from Pappus. (These authors, however, do not mention Hobbes.) Aristotle, Posterior Analytics, passim; cf. Physics 184a1720 and Nichomachean Ethics 1112b20 ff. See the classic paper by J. H. Randall, "The Development of Scientific Method in the School of Padua", in his The School of Padua and the Emergence of Modem Science (Padua, 1961), pp. 1368. Calileo, Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems, tr. S. Drake (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1970), p. 51; :'1/ewton, Opticks, Q. 30 (Dover ed. pp. 4045); I. B. Cohen, Intraduction to Newton's 'Principia' (Cambridge, Mass., 1971), pp. 2945. I, 66, 30910. I, 69, 67; cf. Aristotle, Physics 184al7 20. I, 759. See the notice "To the Reader", by one "F. B.", at the beginning of Vol. IV of the English Works. III, 113 = Lev. p. 186. III, 672 = Lev. p. 689. III, 669 = Lev. p. 686. I, 80l. 87. "To the Reader" (see n. 27 above). II, XX. I, 74; italics in original. VII, 184. II, iv; IV, ep. ded. III, 91 = Lev. p. 166; cf. IV, ep. ded. IV, ep. ded. Peters, p. 33. VII, 333; A. Rogow, Thomas Hobbes (New York and London, 1986), p. 145. S. I. Mintz, The Hunting of Leviathan (Cambridge, 1970), pp. viii, 83, 14951. E.g., Macpherson, p. 30. J. W. N. Watkins, Hobbes' System of Ideas (London, 1965), pp. 166ff, draws on Sir James Frazer's famous The Golden Bough to rebut Hobbes' axiom that all men fear and shun violent death. Quoted in J. Bowie, Hobbes and his Critics (London, 1969), p. 152.